Foreign secretary Boris Johnson made the same analogy. “I am very concerned that Putin will use the World Cup in the same way that Hitler used the 1936 Munich Olympics, as a public relations exercise for a brutal dictatorship,” said MP Ian Austin. In the acrimonious fallout from the poisoning in Salisbury of former spy Sergei Skripal back in March, a group of Labour MPs called for a postponement or relocation of the 2018 World Cup. On his own patch, of course, it’s highly unlikely Putin will allow any such scenes this summer. Quite the opposite, well done lads, keep it up!” tweeted Russian politician Igor Lebedev, a member of the executive committee of the Russian Football Union. “I don’t see anything wrong with the fans fighting.
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Of more direct relevance to the tournament, you can also add the use of North Korean forced labour in stadium-building, the legacy of state-approved Olympic doping, and questions over the safety of foreign fans in light of Russia’s “paramilitary” football hooligans, gangs of whom were unleashed at the 2016 Euros in France. But in the years since, that likelihood has evaporated in the wake of a lengthy charge sheet: military intervention in the Ukraine and Syria, chemical weapons attacks, links to plane bombs, executions of journalists and political opponents, cyberwar and election meddling. When Russia was announced as 2018 hosts back in December 2010, it’s not hard to imagine that Vladimir Putin, no football fan himself, might have had restored superpower status fairly high on his list of reasons. Football historian David Goldblatt described it as “a node in the global networks of power”. Hosting, of course, raises the stakes further. From the petty - as when Uruguay boycotted the 1934 tournament in Italy in protest at how few European teams bothered turning up for the one it had hosted four years prior - to the principled take the Soviet Union’s refusal to play away at Chile in a 1973 qualification play-off in the same Estadio Nacional stadium where Augusto Pinochet had left-wing prisoners executed. The history of the tournament is littered with agendas, deals and power plays. Where the football World Cup is concerned, it’s harder to keep them apart. If sports and politics shouldn’t mix, no one ever told Fifa. The junta wasn’t going to let the World Cup stop its work. An evocative term more accurately describing the victims of state-sponsored murder. The largest and most notorious of several hundred such concentration camps, this was one place where “ Los Desaparecidos” were taken.
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In earshot of the stadium drums, just a few streets away, inside the tree-lined campus of the Navy Petty-Officers School of Mechanics, the junta’s flagship torture centre continued to operate.
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Why We Should Have Boycotted Putin's World Cup
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The ITV commentator Gerald Sinstadt, through crackling audio which added to the atmosphere of this distant live broadcast, fumbled for fillers as the somewhat ponderous spectacle unfolded, remarking on how the opening ceremony’s “emphasis is firmly on the innocence of youth, free from any suggestion of political involvement”.īack in the ITV studio, against a beige backdrop, guest pundit Kevin Keegan, in an extravagantly lapelled check shirt even by Seventies’ standards, bemoaned England’s failure to qualify and declared his excitement at the “soccer festival” ahead. Minutes earlier, General Jorge Rafaél Videla, the bird-like, moustachioed leader of Argentina’s ruling military junta, announced to the nearly 80,000-strong crowd that the tournament would be played under a sign of peace. A flock of what looked more like pigeons than doves was released into the sky.
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From the blimp camera, the choreographed children first spelled out “Argentina 78” before the words “Mundial Fifa”. On a clear afternoon on 1 June 1978 at the revamped El Monumental stadium in Buenos Aires’ Belgrano barrio, several hundred children in white uniforms moved into their prepared positions, on an uneven pitch, newly turfed since the original grass had withered after being irrigated with sea water.